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Getting political parties to map out an Isles consensus
2005-11-19 07:21:41
By Ani Jozeni
What role is there for political parties to play in reaching an understanding on the situation in Zanzibar, and specifically, does the Tanzania Centre for Democracy (TCD) have any possible role?
This is the question that comes to mind rapidly in hearing former presidential candidate John Momose Cheyo invite ’leading political parties’ to discuss the issue.
What sort of institutional set up exists for TCD to take up the matter, and even with no such organ, are political parties as a group useful here, say apart from CUF and CCM?
The preliminary response or answer that one would come up with is that this institution isn’t of much relevance to solving the dispute in Zanzibar, but somehow it is trying to put up a ’stakeholder’ situation.
In the first place the group came up largely as an off-shot of the now controversial National Democracy Institute (NDI) whom the Isles authorities hold responsible for the US Embassy view of the polls there.
Certain observers though believe that it was TEMCO that was charged with observing on behalf of the US mission.
While the discussion was still about organizing free and fair elections, it was possible for the more important parties to meet and peg their signatures to some pieces of paper as to likely conduct at the polls.
And true enough so many quarters say this time round there has been an improvement in the polls climate; polls were for instance annulled in just one constituency whereas in 2000 the commission annulled polls in 16 constituencies.
That is why many observers opted for ’free and fair,’ meaning definitely ’by Zanzibar standards.’
If it is clear that there is nothing substantial enough that can form some common ground between CCM, CUF and others about the recent polls, why then rush to call this meeting? One way of responding to the question is that the talking has to begin somewhere, and since the inter-party committee on the implementation of the 2001 peace accord (muafaka committee) was disbanded when voting was around the corner, there aren’t many forums existing for the purpose.
This however is insufficient, for one doesn’t just provide for some kind of forum and expect, or pretend to expect, that everything else shall work out.
Incidentally, one person whose analytical theses hang by this kind of proposal - though by some chance he may prefer the ’muafaka’ committee itself for effectiveness - is the veteran commentator Prof. Teddy Malyamkono.
He had castigated foreign missions for what he saw as excessive concern with Isles polls, treading the well-known path that the two parties are distrustful of each other and neither will accept results if it loses.
The only problem with that thesis is that it ignores the mechanism, makes no effort to remove bias in voting and in counting; it seeks to get parties to accept results without proving fairness.
Except for the fact that the United States embassy issued a statement to reject the verdict that the polls were free and fair, and then Norway sought thorough investigation of the various irregularities noticed, it is hard to see what would be the TCD agenda thereof.
But even with this singular rejection of the polls verdict, and despite that it permits an air of there being something to discuss, it can’t form the point of departure for such a forum, and John Cheyo himself ’will not pass judgement on the conduct of the poll.’
On the other hand, the idea is to seek ’a point where opposing interests could be accommodated to allow the healing process to begin,’ etc. But that implicitly means to accept the results.
Obviously a lot of people who habitually pray for peace but have scant idea of justice will wish that the piece of wisdom by John Cheyo is listened to, but that is merely to brush the dirt under the carpet.
Either it will form a bump on where one treads, or it may altogether start stinking: what does one do about villagers hacking policemen and then disappearing into the forest?
How does a donor country start financing ’mkukuta’ projects in the area?
There are chances that even the TCD itself will clarify its mission in the light of the new Isles polls crisis, that the essence of a democracy centre isn’t amicable solution of polls problems but circumspection as to polls being free and fair.
For once the country might start learning the value of freedom, when it realizes that it can’t solve Isles political problems by patronizing ’kaka Seif’ who can’t defeat ’anko Amani,’ but that the basis of all concord is fair polls.
One talks about a government of national unity, but which party should lead it, and what will be its agenda, if it’s soldiers who voted the party into office?
Hearing discussion about the problem in Unguja and Pemba brings about some aspects of national life that can’t be resolved outside a revamping of the politics, and economy.
One constant complaint is that Pembans are permitted to take up residence or purchase land in Unguja but they don’t accept the other islanders if they wish to do the same back in their own island.
In other words, Pembans act to Ungujans in the way these treat Mainlanders.
There is a ’triangular’ character of ethnic discrimination, which explains much in Union problems, and only Senator Feingold or those of his ilk have any possible answers.
There is a tribal sentiment about land in Pemba that discriminates against people from the larger Unguja island for fear that Pemba will lose its identity, in the same way as it happens for Mainlanders.
Pembans and Ungujans are plentiful in Tanga and elsewhere, but scarcely are Mainlanders acceptable to take up land or jobs in either Unguja or Pemba, constantly.
The solution that the political and academic elite in the country have learned by rote since 1964, and especially since the first disturbances in 1984, is that CCM needs to remain in power ’so as to defend the Union at all costs.’
What Senator Feingold is saying is that all this is erroneous, that you will merely reproduce cycles of rigging and violence each passing year - it starts in the polls, heightens, quietens, restarts later, etc.
You will never get anywhere until you accept freedom, first as democracy and then as a free economy.
So long as Africa remains tribal in its land ownership character, it cannot welcome investors because tribes will lose their identities, and thus governments rely on taxation of superficial agricultural and commercial/industrial enterprises.
These have a poor level of productivity but industrial investment is impossible because land isn’t available, as one can’t be protected without being able to own it, or hold a local passport to protect such ownership, etc.
Thus the same attitudes and consequences develop internally - Pemba is as underdeveloped as other coastal regions in Tanzania, but elites merely think of swarms of tourists visiting our ’magnificent beaches,’ not land-based investments or jobs thereof.
Thus Ungujans will not be welcome to Pemba unless the government parcels out land to those who have inherited it, and everyone at 18 (the males, of course) or above gets the piece of land that belongs to him in terms of customary law.
After that he could sell that plot or farm to anyone he wishes on mobile phone and the transaction is registered at the primary court.
This way Zanzibaris will be the nearest, but also those from Dubai or India and elsewhere, and peasants start doing something else than guarding the land - violently.
It puts an end to tribal sentiments; ’fills their pockets’ to venture to compete, elsewhere…
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