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Zitto Kabwe suspension and matrix of a strong CCM for stability
2007-08-20 08:35:13
By Ani Jozen
Addressing members of the National Executive Committee of the ruling party, a speech that was also televised as a nationwide address, CCM chairman Jakaya Kikwete reaffirmed, or perhaps repeated, an oft-quoted maxim.
It was given by founder chairman Mwalimu Nyerere towards the polls in 1995, where he said that `a leader can come from any party, but a good leader can only come from CCM,` which complemented another maxim, given by Mwalimu in the CCM nomination conference of 1990.
He said at that time that `without a strong CCM, our country will be destabilized,` a routine watchword.
The manner in which CCM leaders have generally grasped this position reminds one of the thorniest issues in theology, of the relationship between faith and priests.
In the Old Testament the difference is so sharp that in Amos 5:21 the prophet is told that religious festivals and gatherings are no good; they won’t save Israelis from being put to suffering for their sins.
Before being crucified, Christ issued a series of condemnations of priests, for standards that are unjust, insistent on outward expression of faith, while rotten inside.
Such `expressions of faith` have been the norm since Mwalimu died in 1999, and until now it has always appeared that what CCM was doing followed in line with Mwalimu`s word or as it were, blessings.
Yet even in the final years of his life it was well known that Mwalimu advocated a coalition government in Zanzibar as the country is rifted down the middle, but CCM rejected his advice.
When Mwalimu died in October 1999, President Benjamin Mkapa made a strong note of defending his legacy in the wake of his death, a note of dedication that sent cold sweat down the spine for those concerned with language.
He said, inter alia, that “those of us who have been given the charge of the state will do all in our power to defend Mwalimu`s legacy,` and divisive influences would be fought with `all possible force.
`It is this kind of resolution which was seen when opposition supporters in the Isles wished to hold a demonstration after 90 days following the polls fiasco in October 2000, and were instead met with `all possible force.`
And it is in that same stance that the ruling party is closing ranks in the legislature, requiring nothing of its MPs but total loyalty from them, thus slowly or rapidly alienating the CCM voters too.
What is hence at stake is how Mwalimu`s admonitions can be comprehended, that is, the manner in which it remains true that `a leader can come from any party, but a good leader can only come from CCM` on the one hand, and `without a strong CCM, our country will be destabilized.`
How far are these techniques – of refusing a government of national unity in Zanzibar, and silencing MPs questioning suspicious executive action either by ministers or top government officials and executive agencies, reaffirm this admonition?
That is where the contradiction about faith and priests comes up, and consequently the rest of what was predicted, that slowly the once-formidable state of King David perishes.
One thing is absolutely clear, that by its techniques both in government and in Parliament it is evident that CCM is building up an opposition that had otherwise crumbled, hapless.
By the time there is a new nomination, and nothing has changed in how the government responds to questions in Parliament or muzzles the media on investigative stories that the government feels they are getting too close for comfort, a change may occur.
A reformer may take forms to challenge the incumbent, gathers massive support, and a split could occur, as such fellow takes his followers – upon rejection - to Zitto Kabwe’s party, etc.
What is being said is that Mwalimu`s admonitions are comprehended by priests in CCM, those who hold the law (implement the sharia of the party, the fiat of government, and absolute secrecy on what there is in the `holiest of holies`) in legalistic terms.
They trust in the authority they have been given by formalistic assemblies, believe that the 80 per cent of votes the party`s candidate obtained is their property, unaware of Daniel 5:21.
It shows how Nebuchadnezzar was ostracized into the bush, fed grass like an animal, `until he grasped that God rules over worldly affairs and uplifts (to govern) whoever he wants.`
Thus the ruling party is constantly made aware of Mwalimu`s admonitions and is doing precisely the opposite, namely making CCM weaker rather than strong.
The essence of a `strong CCM` in an ethical sense of the term is a ruling party about which people have no doubt that its leadership is trying to do the right thing for the country, has in heart needs of the people, and isn`t trying to hide this or that wrongdoing.
CCM is doing the contrary, and hides behind legalistic provisions to silence concerns on its own questionable actions, in which case it erodes its support base, wins the doubters over to opposition, too rapidly.
One may for instance ask a question, as to what would be the results of a snap poll at the moment of MP Kabwe being thrown out of Parliament if he stood as opposition candidate and the president for the ruling party.
Definitely the results wouldn’t be 80 per cent to 20 per cent as was the case earlier, but would come steeply closer to the 1995 level, of 67% for CCM and 33 per cent for the others.
At that time the government was on its toes in the legislature, allowing parliamentary committees to look into at least a couple of issues for which a private member`s motion was brought up, and it thus recovered in the 2000 polls.
In the past general elections, the fact of putting back the polls on the Mainland served to alter the proper balance of forces, as by December 14 when the Mainland voted, it was clear that the opposition had lost the Isles vote.
This profoundly affected sentiments of opposition supporters on the Mainland, and JK`s otherwise uncontested public relations advantages worked to maximum benefit.
Yet this huge turnout of support hinged on the fact that a breadth of the voters perceived a streak of honesty and openness, and it rose to even higher levels in his parliamentary inaugural address; is it being eroded too rapidly?
The point being underlined is that CCM will not become strong because the leadership exercises a hammer on its own rank and file or silences other contesting voices either in Parliament or in the media.
CCM will not remain strong because of the PCCB Act clause 37:1 but the clause will serve to hammer the message that CCM hasn`t changed, that the same groups the voters thought they had avoided by getting the candidate of their dreams was very much in control.
This kind of sentiment operates against the ruling party, and when the word the leaders speak is no longer believed, it is evident `nchi yetu itayumba.`
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