Voice of Africa calls for maturity Part 2

25Feb 2019
The Guardian
Voice of Africa calls for maturity Part 2

For Africa, Dar es Salaam was the beginning of a good lesson in March 2007, as SADC introduced the African perspective; Accra was the body and content of the script as the AU spoke on Africa's position on Zimbabwe in July; and September brought the conclusion as SADC stood resolutely with Zimbabwe -

at the Lusaka summit.

The shunning, public reprimand and negative publicity received by the MDC, especially in Accra, Ghana, and Lusaka, Zambia, brought the insidious opposition to a sobering landing, and bit by bit they became a little more than careful in their vilification of the African leadership.

Nelson Chamisa has taken the MDC back to the days of obnoxious behaviour, and clearly Africa is far less than amused. The AU has no time for him at all, SADC is openly against him and his politics, and individual African leaders are now sick and tired of being sick and tired of Nelson Chamisa's politics. Leaders of Botswana, Zambia, Namibia, Kenya and South Africa have all come out in the open in solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe, condemning unconditionally the economic sanctions on our country.

The MDC Alliance can't possibly stand and accuse Africa of propaganda, and neither can they accuse the continent of being bent on delaying or preventing change in Zimbabwe. To Africa change has come to Zimbabwe, and it is time to give the Mnangagwa administration a chance to revive the country's image and economy.

To the opposition the message is very clear - it is the African way or the high way to political oblivion. Africa will not support the politics of chaos, and Africa will stand against the politics of sanctions.

Clearly, the dual gamble of trying the politics of elections on one hand; and street-based government overthrowing adventures on the other has proved a futile exercise.

The MDC must take stock of its election losses in 2005 (parliamentary elections), 2006 (council elections) 2013 and 2018 harmonised elections. The idea of organising urban youths with the hope of marching to State House after losing elections was tried and tested by Morgan Tsvangirai. It simply does not work, and putting the sand slogan on it will not change anything. Violence in Zimbabwe is always successfully thwarted, and that is not about to change.

Nelson Chamisa's hope is the declining economy, as was the hope of Morgan Tsvangirai in 2007 and 2008. But did a declining economy install Morgan Tsvangirai as the president of the Republic?

Well, he became the fourth in charge when ZANU-PF and the MDC formed the inclusive Government of 2009-2013.Tsvangirai was the country's Prime Minister in that arrangement, sitting as a Senior Minister in a Cabinet that was chaired by Robert Mugabe, or by any of his two deputies if he was not present.

We do hope that Africa's decisive message on Zimbabwe will sober up the excitable leader of the opposition. Chamisa has not impressed African leadership as a serious politician at all. Even rabble-rousing Julius Malema thinks he is just a nasty piece of work with very little direction. He is all froth and no beer; all ice tip and no iceberg.

Nelson Chamisa is the kind of politician who cannot be amicable with ZANU-PF even at other people's funerals. He will pick fights with the party at church gatherings, and at every given opportunity. Political maturity means you know when and where to pick your fights. Not every gathering is a political rally, and not every speech is a political one.

The West, too, is undecided on Chamisa. While his eloquence of speech and charisma is tempting, his intellect and sense of judgment are often a humiliation on his political personality. We all know that the West is not interested in the MDC or in ZANU-PF, but in any politician that will either do their bidding, or compromise good enough to allow the imperial agenda a sense of success.

For me, two home-grown main political parties is what Zimbabwe needs to safeguard it national interest. I want a Zimbabwe where the two top parties agree that economic sanctions on Zimbabwe by any foreign power are an aggression on the people of Zimbabwe.

I want a Zimbabwe where all political parties agree that credit lines cannot be used as a political tool to further the prospects of one political party over another.

I want a Zimbabwe where politicians are mature enough to know and accept that national events stand above political affiliation, that the deaths and funerals of prominent people cannot be used as political platforms where eulogies are turned into political scoring games.

This is what Nelson Chamisa thinks he is capable of doing politically. He thinks he is the only one that can get ZDERA repealed, the only one that can get grants and loans from the West, and the only one that can be trusted by Western elites.

What Zimbabwe needs now is a good and effective President, not a charming, pliant good messenger to Western capitals. What is happening in Venezuela right now is not working there, and it will certainly not work in Zimbabwe.We simply do not do Western-recognised presidents here. We do our own presidents, and we fight dirty and wild if our right to self-determination is tampered with.

In 2007, Welshman Ncube said something to the effect that it was not necessary to keep playing politics for the sake of politics while the country was bleeding. That is how mature politicians should behave and we hope Ncube can pass on his wisdom to his boss Nelson Chamisa. It is a fact Chamisa listens to no one, but a try would not be misplaced.Nelson Chamisa has revived Western moneybags for sellout NGOs, and they truly love him for that. After the 2013 elections, the Western- funded civic organisations were hit hard by donor fatigue as all hope for regime change vapoured with the demising Tsvangirai.

Our hope is that Zimbabweans in the civic sector may be mature enough to place the collective national interest above greed and want.

Charity is a multi-trillion-dollar industry globally, and what happens with politicised aid is that people will fight down their own conscience in efforts to please the foreign donor.

ZANU-PF is by no means the best example of mature politics, but that alone does not mean we find solace in engaging in immaturity ourselves. Our young generation must outshine ZANU-PF in maturity, not in immaturity.You can only beat ZANU-PF by doing better, not outdoing it in its own shortcomings.

While we point out at the immaturity of some of our senior politicians in the ruling party, and that of its upcoming young politicians as well, may we in the same vein try to show our own understanding of maturity by practice and deeds.

Zimbabwe we are one and together we will overcome. It is homeland or death!

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